31 October 2022\/67<\/strong><\/p>\n WORKERS’ 100TH ANNIVERSARY STATEMENT:<\/strong><\/p>\n WITH THE DEMOCRATIC AND SOCIAL REPUBLIC<\/strong><\/p>\n TURKEY OF LABOR<\/strong><\/p>\n We are at a moment of decision for our country, on the threshold of the second century of the Republic.<\/p>\n It should be noted at the outset that although the TDK dictionary defines it as “the form of government in which the nation retains its sovereignty and uses it through deputies elected for certain periods”, the “Republican concept” represents much more than that for our country.<\/p>\n Today, at a time of decision, we have a historical responsibility to talk, discuss and implement together how a “Democratic and Social Republic” that our country deserves and where workers will have a say and decision can be established.<\/p>\n On the one hand, the neoliberal strategy of destruction, which has destroyed all the foundations of the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Republic for nearly half a century, and on the other hand, the autocratic one-man mentality that emerged as a result of this strategy has left our country in a wreck. We have only one way to avoid falling under this rubble: to carry the Republic into the future by re-establishing it in its own meaning, namely with popular sovereignty, and by making it a secular, social and democratic state of law.<\/p>\n In order to strengthen the Republic with popular sovereignty and carry it to the future, it is necessary to correctly understand the sovereign policy that has destroyed all the foundations of the Republic:<\/p>\n A republic is defined as a form of government in which a nation holds sovereignty. Therefore, the Republic essentially refers to the sovereignty of the people. With the republic, the source of sovereignty no longer comes from a dynasty or a lineage, nor does it pass from father to son. The place where sovereignty symbolizes in the republic is not palaces but assemblies. The source of sovereignty is the people.<\/p>\n However, the reality in our country is unfortunately far from these definitions: The increasing dominance of the capital has undermined the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Republic by excluding large segments of the people, especially the working class. A social order has been built in which a small minority exercises complete dominance over 99 percent of the society in every field from economy to law, from politics to culture, and in which all economic, democratic and political rights of 99 percent of the people are restricted as much as possible, in such an order “Republic” is unfortunately a label. converted into.<\/p>\n In summary, there are two most important obstacles to the Republic, that is, to popular sovereignty:<\/p>\n Neoliberalism, the most brutal manifestation of capital domination, has wrecked the Republic in the last half century. Workers, the oppressed and women have been thoroughly excluded from the Republic. The autocratic regime, in which even the smallest possibilities of political democracy and the rule of law have been destroyed under the AKP rule in the last 20 years, is the peak of the neoliberal offensive and counter-revolution.<\/p>\n THE DAMAGE OF THE CAPITAL IMPACT<\/strong><\/p>\n Today, we see the rise of authoritarian, oppressive, discriminatory, racist and sexist governments, with the decline of democratic gains all over the world. As the organized power of the labor, especially the unions, weakened everywhere and in every historical period, as the social and political power of the working class was regressed, as the organization of the people in general was hindered, democracy also declined. Turkey is one of the countries where this decline is most striking and rapid. As policies based on labor, environment and public interest weaken, radical, discriminatory and oppressive political currents that are alien to the idea of \u200b\u200bthe Republic, hostile to democracy and human rights, gain strength.<\/p>\n Those who build a system in our country where 99 percent of the society does not have the right to speak and decide on their own future, the future of the country, what it will produce, how it will be produced and how it will be distributed are responsible for the hollowing out of the Republic.<\/p>\n The economically liberal, politically authoritarian and oppressive regime, which started with the January 24 decisions of 1980 and the September 12 military coup, which made it possible to implement these decisions without social reaction, gradually became institutionalized. Working class organizations were disbanded, neutralized; The road map of the current regime was drawn under the conditions of the coup, in which all democratic channels through which the people could seek their rights were abolished.<\/p>\n In addition to traditional oppressive methods, neoliberal policies that were paved with the military coup have continued almost uninterruptedly until today. First of all, the purpose of production within the country was defined not as the needs of the people of this country, but as exports. “Gaining competitiveness by cheapening labor” was determined as the easiest way to increase exports. The detachment of production from domestic market needs reduced the importance of domestic demand supported by purchasing power and caused labor power to be seen as only a “cost item”. Policies to devalue labor have become permanent.<\/p>\n This destruction, which started with September 12, was riveted under an authoritarian regime in which all the legal achievements of the Republic were destroyed during the AKP period. The democratic, secular and social rule of law, which has been included in the Constitution as a basic principle since the 1961 Constitution, was destroyed both in terms of democracy, secularism and social and legal aspects during the AKP period.<\/p>\n Not only the rights of labor, but also all the savings it created were wasted. The economic values \u200b\u200bcreated since the foundation of the Republic, the facilities that support the employment of poor cities, and the production facilities suitable for the purchasing power of the people, were sold one by one. With the privatizations, Turkey’s public accumulation was destroyed. The ruling rich were created while the majority of the people became poor. The public economy was privatized and public services commercialized. 80 percent of the privatizations were carried out during the AKP period; In other words, the biggest blow to the accumulation of labor and the people was dealt in this period.<\/p>\n The gains of the working class have been attacked; Social rights, especially in the fields of health, social security and education, were weakened, partially paid and commodified. Insecurity at work has increased. With the flexibility practices, the gains of the working class and the protective regulations that form the basis of labor law have been weakened. Working life has become not only insecure but also insecure. Mortality at work and work homicides have increased, not decreased, despite tremendous scientific and technical progress; Even religious values \u200b\u200bwere distorted and presented as \u201cdestiny.\u201d Extraordinary efforts were made to implement policies that impose retirement on the grave, reduce our income with tax brackets, and covet severance pay.<\/p>\n They were so angry with workers’ rights, social rights and public accumulation that they did not hesitate to say “we are destroying the last socialist state”, referring to the “social state” practices while doing this destruction. Indeed, they destroyed the entire social and economic accumulation of the Republic.<\/p>\n THE GOAL OF DESTROYMENT: CREATING AN UNorganized WORKING CLASS AND AN UNorganized PEOPLE<\/strong><\/p>\n Especially in the period that started with the 1980 military coup, trade union rights faced heavy pressure. Trade union rights have been eroded both at the legal level and in practice. As a result, the scope of unionization and collective bargaining has been severely weakened. As a result, more than 90 percent of Turkey’s working class today lacks union protection. The working class was pressured to demand their basic rights and democratic gains. The neoliberal disorganization attack gained momentum especially during the AKP period, and our country was among the 10 countries in the world where workers’ rights were the worst in the International Trade Union Confederation’s (ITUC) Global Workers’ Rights Index. Today, more than 14 million workers, or 90 percent of registered workers, do not have any union protection. 92 percent of the workers, whose number exceeds 15 million, cannot use their union rights, especially the right to collective bargaining.<\/p>\n THOSE THAT PROHIBITED STRIKE ARE NOT WORKER FRIENDLY<\/strong><\/p>\n The right to strike has been systematically violated by the state through prohibitions and postponements, rendering it unusable. Again, during the AKP rule, almost all strikes were illegally banned under the name of postponement. Moreover, the President of our country proudly told the representatives of domestic and foreign capital to ban strikes, which is a constitutional right, on live broadcasts, and received applause from them. A country where not only the right to strike, but also all kinds of democratic rights, from meeting to marches, from collecting signatures to defending one’s right in court, was arbitrarily restricted and blocked, was built step by step amidst this enthusiastic applause of the capital.<\/p>\n SADAKA DE\u011e\u0130L EME\u011e\u0130M\u0130Z\u0130N KAR\u015eILI\u011eINI \u0130ST\u0130YORUZ!<\/strong><\/p>\n Bu ortam i\u00e7inde gelir e\u015fitsizli\u011fi artarken, ortalama \u00fccretler asgari \u00fccret d\u00fczeyine yakla\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. A\u011f\u0131r vergi y\u00fck\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ilerin gelirlerini a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131. Bunlara kamusal haklar\u0131n giderek paral\u0131 hale gelmesi eklenince emek\u00e7ilerin ge\u00e7im \u015fartlar\u0131 ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc zorla\u015ft\u0131; sat\u0131n alma g\u00fcc\u00fc d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc ve yoksulla\u015fma artt\u0131. Bu s\u00fcrecin do\u011fal bir sonucu olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7iler finansal ara\u00e7lar yoluyla daha fazla bor\u00e7land\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130ktidar yoksulla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 halk\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131, bir yandan bor\u00e7land\u0131rarak bir yandan da “sosyal yard\u0131m\u201d ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden y\u00f6netmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Sosyal yard\u0131ma muhta\u00e7 insan say\u0131s\u0131 her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn artt\u0131, sosyal yard\u0131mlar iktidar partilerine yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa g\u00f6re da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n DEMOKRAS\u0130 \u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130N\u0130N EKME\u011e\u0130D\u0130R<\/strong><\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye h\u0131zla ihracata odakl\u0131 bir ekonomiye y\u00f6nelirken, eme\u011fin ucuzlat\u0131lmas\u0131, n\u00fcfusun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu olu\u015fturan emek\u00e7ilerin hakk\u0131n\u0131 aray\u0131p sormas\u0131n\u0131n engellenmesi ancak otoriter bir y\u00f6netim ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fc. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fmi\u015f ama uysal bir toplum isteyen sermaye \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin aktif veya pasif deste\u011fiyle \u00fclkemizde demokrasinin t\u00fcm k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 ad\u0131m ad\u0131m tahrip edildi. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte de kal\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k kazanamayan demokratik haklar bir bir ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Laikli\u011fin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik h\u0131zl\u0131 ad\u0131mlar ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tepkilerinin \u00f6nlenmesi ve iktidara boyun e\u011fmesi hedeflendi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birli\u011finden korkuldu\u011fu i\u00e7in ayr\u0131mc\u0131 politikalar, b\u00f6l-par\u00e7ala-y\u00f6net politikalar\u0131, kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 nefret s\u00f6ylemleri ivme kazand\u0131. Toplumsal cinsiyet e\u015fitsizli\u011fi kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131larak, kad\u0131nlar bir yandan ucuz ve g\u00fcvencesiz istihdama veya i\u015fsizli\u011fe mahkum edildi. Ailede, toplumda, ya\u015fam\u0131n her alan\u0131nda e\u015fit ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z g\u00f6r\u00fclmeyen kad\u0131nlar, di\u011fer yandan da devletin \u00e7ekildi\u011fi t\u00fcm “sosyal\u201d g\u00f6revleri omuzlamak zorunda kalarak hane i\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez eme\u011fin artmas\u0131yla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze kald\u0131. T\u00fcm bu ya\u015fananlar\u0131n bir sonucu olarak kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddet giderek t\u0131rmand\u0131.<\/p>\n KR\u0130ZLER CUMHUR\u0130YET\u0130!<\/strong><\/p>\n DEMOKRAS\u0130 KR\u0130Z\u0130\u2026 GEL\u0130R DA\u011eILIMI KR\u0130Z\u0130\u2026 CUMHUR\u0130YET’\u0130N KR\u0130Z\u0130\u2026 <\/strong><\/p>\n Y\u00fczde 99’un d\u0131\u015flanarak y\u00fczde 1’in s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z ve sorumsuz egemenli\u011fine dayal\u0131 bir sistem kurma \u00e7abalar\u0131 en sonunda mant\u0131ki sonucuna ula\u015ft\u0131 ve otoriter bir ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejimi \u00fclkemize getirildi. T\u00fcrkiye a\u011f\u0131r bir demokrasi krizi i\u00e7ine girdi. Kuvvetler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortadan kalkt\u0131, t\u00fcm kuvvet tek ki\u015fide topland\u0131, denge ve denetleme mekanizmalar\u0131 i\u015flemez oldu. Yarg\u0131, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tamamen yitirdi; uluslararas\u0131 antla\u015fmalar bir kenara at\u0131ld\u0131. Se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131na dahi el uzat\u0131ld\u0131. \u00d6zetle “y\u00fczde 1’in egemenli\u011fi\u201d tek ki\u015fide cisimle\u015fti.<\/p>\n Tek ki\u015fide cisimle\u015fen y\u00fczden 1’in egemenli\u011finin, yani ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sisteminin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in, halk\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in \u00e7ok a\u011f\u0131r sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 oldu. Sistem de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finden sonraki d\u00f6rt y\u0131lda y\u00fczde 15’ten y\u00fczde 85’e f\u0131rlayan enflasyon ile al\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fcm\u00fcz h\u0131zla geriledi. Milyonlar\u0131n mahk\u00fbm edildi\u011fi asgari \u00fccret d\u00f6rt y\u0131l i\u00e7inde 337 dolardan 297 dolara geriletildi; b\u00f6ylece sermaye i\u00e7in \u00f6zlenen “rekabet g\u00fcc\u00fc\u201d elde edilmek istendi. Asgari \u00fccretin Ki\u015fi Ba\u015f\u0131 Gayri Safi Milli Has\u0131la’ya oran\u0131 y\u00fczde 53’ten y\u00fczde 38’e d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bu d\u00f6rt y\u0131lda i\u015fsiz say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n 5,5 milyondan 8,5 milyona \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla \u00fccretler daha fazla bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131. B\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm krizini g\u00f6steren bu rakamlar tesad\u00fcfen ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131; aksine Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemiyle hedeflenen sonu\u00e7lar tam da bunlard\u0131: Vah\u015fi kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda “cumhur\u201dun y\u00fczde 99’una kar\u015f\u0131, y\u00fczde 1’in en y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 egemenli\u011fi!<\/p>\n Cumhuriyet’in alt\u0131n\u0131 oyan s\u00fcre\u00e7 asl\u0131nda toplumun en b\u00fcy\u00fck kesimi olan \u00fccretlileri bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda alarak, son lokmas\u0131na g\u00f6z koyma stratejisinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak ve en \u00f6nemlisi bir sermaye program\u0131 olarak i\u015fletildi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi hak ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 savunan bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak var olmamas\u0131 i\u00e7in her t\u00fcrden \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, gerici, ayr\u0131mc\u0131, bask\u0131c\u0131 ve otoriter politikaya ihtiya\u00e7 duyanlar, Cumhuriyet’in temellerinin sars\u0131lmas\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 de rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duymad\u0131. Aksine bu s\u00fcrece aktif veya pasif destek verdi.<\/p>\n Say\u0131sal olarak h\u0131zla artarken, siyasi ve toplumsal etkisi azalan bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hayali, Cumhuriyet’in temellerini tamam\u0131yla sarst\u0131. Egemenli\u011fin kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z millette oldu\u011fu bir y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imi olarak tarif edilen Cumhuriyet fikri, o milletin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fti\u011fi andan itibaren sermayenin hayalleriyle taban tabana \u00e7eli\u015fti.<\/p>\n Yakla\u015f\u0131k yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131lda sadece \u00fclkemizde de\u011fil d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc, \u00fccretli emek yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131; i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fme (proleterle\u015fme) toplumun \u00e7ok geni\u015f bir kesimini i\u00e7ine alarak geni\u015fledi. Bir yandan \u00fccretli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yayg\u0131nla\u015f\u0131rken, \u00f6te yandan \u00fccretlilerin, yoksul halklar\u0131n toplumsal zenginlikten ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay azald\u0131. Servetin k\u00fcresel, toplumsal ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131nda da ciddi bir \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131k ya\u015fand\u0131 ve bu \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131k s\u00fcrekli olarak artt\u0131. D\u00fcnya E\u015fitsizlik Laboratuvar\u0131’n\u0131n verilerine g\u00f6re 90’lar\u0131n ortas\u0131ndan bu yana, son \u00e7eyrek y\u00fczy\u0131lda yarat\u0131lan servetin y\u00fczde 38’ine en zengin y\u00fczde 1’lik kesim el koyarken, en alttaki y\u00fczde 50 ancak y\u00fczde 2’sine sahip olabildi.<\/p>\n Artan e\u015fitsizliklerin T\u00fcrkiye tarihindeki en sert g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcne ise son d\u00f6nemde hep birlikte tan\u0131k olduk. T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en h\u0131zl\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcyen ekonomilerinden biri olarak sunulurken, sadece son 2 y\u0131lda \u00fcretilen de\u011ferde eme\u011fin pay\u0131 y\u00fczde 37’den y\u00fczde 25,2’ye d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Sermayenin pay\u0131 ise 2020-2022<\/span> aras\u0131nda y\u00fczde 42,9’dan y\u00fczde 54’e \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn cumhurun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun, neredeyse d\u00f6rtte \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan olarak ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fclkemizde, \u00fccretli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini yasal ve fiili yollarla engelleyenler belki bug\u00fcn k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckselttikleri i\u00e7in, k\u00e2r rekorlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00fcretti\u011fimiz de\u011ferden ald\u0131klar\u0131 pay y\u00fckseldi\u011fi i\u00e7in mutlu olabilirler. Sadece emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011fil, memleketin yer alt\u0131 ve yer \u00fcst\u00fc kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131, do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131, kentlerini, kamusal t\u00fcm birikimini, e\u011fitimden sa\u011fl\u0131\u011fa t\u00fcm temel hizmetlerini s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z ve sorumsuzca, sermaye birikiminin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in seferber edebildikleri bu d\u00fczenin devam\u0131na \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imlerde onay verebilirler.<\/p>\n Ancak toplumun y\u00fczde 99’unun eme\u011fine, gelece\u011fine, \u00fclkesine \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde sahip \u00e7\u0131kamad\u0131\u011f\u0131, sahip \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n engellendi\u011fi bir \u00fclkede, nas\u0131l tehlikeli bir gelecek in\u015fas\u0131na el verdiklerini de tarih mutlaka de\u011ferlendirecektir.<\/p>\n YOL AYRIMI: YA TEK ADAM REJ\u0130M\u0130 ve SERMAYE EGEMENL\u0130\u011e\u0130 <\/strong><\/p>\n YA DA DEMOKRAT\u0130K ve SOSYAL CUMHUR\u0130YET <\/strong><\/p>\n Hem nicel olarak n\u00fcfusun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu olan hem de \u00fclkenin t\u00fcm de\u011fer ve g\u00fczelliklerini \u00fcreten milyonlar\u0131n s\u00f6z sahibi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir Cumhuriyet, ismiyle \u00e7eli\u015fecektir. K\u0131sacas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olmadan Cumhuriyet olmaz. Emek olmadan, halk olmadan \u00e7o\u011fulcu, kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc temellere dayal\u0131 ger\u00e7ek bir demokrasi olmadan Cumhuriyet olmaz. Cumhuriyet ikinci y\u00fczy\u0131la ancak ba\u015fta \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olmak \u00fczere halk egemenli\u011fi ile ta\u015f\u0131nabilir.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn Cumhuriyet \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki y\u00fczy\u0131lda ancak ve ancak Eme\u011fin T\u00fcrkiye’si olarak var olabilecektir. \u0130nsanca ya\u015fayabilmek ve gelece\u011fe umutla bakabilmek i\u00e7in neoliberalizmin ve otoriter rejimin tahribatlar\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131racak ve harc\u0131nda e\u015fitlik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, demokrasi, sosyal ve ekonomik haklar olacak eme\u011fin d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye’sini in\u015fa etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn ve zorunludur.<\/p>\n \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde, T\u00fcrkiye’nin belki de kader an\u0131nda \u00fclkemizi hangi Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131’n\u0131n y\u00f6netece\u011fine, hangi parti veya partilerin iktidara gelece\u011fine dair elbette bir karar verece\u011fiz. Ama sadece bir aday, bir parti tercihi yapmayaca\u011f\u0131z. AKP’nin k\u00f6kle\u015ftirdi\u011fi neoliberal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn bir sonucu olarak i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, emek\u00e7ilerin, yoksullar\u0131n, gen\u00e7lerin, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n geni\u015f kesimlerinin siyasetten d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131na, t\u00fcm ifade ve kat\u0131l\u0131m kanallar\u0131n\u0131n kapat\u0131lmas\u0131na, siyasetin demokratik zeminlerden uzakla\u015fmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir yan\u0131t \u00fcretece\u011fiz. Bu oranda i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fmi\u015f bir toplumda, demokratik bir Cumhuriyet’in, ancak e\u015fitlik\u00e7i-halk\u00e7\u0131-kamucu-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc-sosyal bir Cumhuriyet olarak var olabilece\u011finin bilincinde olaca\u011f\u0131z. Toplumun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131na dayanan sermaye politikalar\u0131 sona ermedi\u011finde Cumhuriyet’in temellerini sarsan ayn\u0131 karanl\u0131k yere yeniden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz oldu\u011funu anlataca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n Yani sadece nas\u0131l bir Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 sorusuna yan\u0131t vermeyecek, nas\u0131l bir Cumhuriyet istedi\u011fimize, Cumhuriyet’in nas\u0131l kendi anlam\u0131n\u0131n hakk\u0131n\u0131 vererek ya\u015fayabilece\u011fine dair fikirlerimizi de savunaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n EME\u011e\u0130N T\u00dcRK\u0130YES\u0130’NDE DEMOKRAT\u0130K ve SOSYAL B\u0130R CUMHUR\u0130YET <\/strong><\/p>\n D\u0130SK olarak Cumhuriyet’i gelecekte anlam\u0131na uygun ya\u015fatman\u0131n yolunu “Demokratik ve Sosyal bir Cumhuriyet ve Eme\u011fin T\u00fcrkiye’si\u201d olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n DEMOKRAT\u0130K VE SOSYAL CUMHUR\u0130YET \u00d6RG\u00dcTL\u00dc \u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130 SINIFIYLA M\u00dcMK\u00dcN<\/strong><\/p>\n Cumhuriyet’in y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131 i\u00e7in belirledi\u011fimiz bu hedefler ilk bak\u0131\u015fta ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi zor hedefler olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc toplumun y\u00fczde 1’i, bizlere, biz toplumun \u00fcreten \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funa t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmenin hayal oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Sermaye egemenli\u011findeki bir d\u00fcnyay\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye’yi ak\u0131lc\u0131 bir se\u00e7enek olarak dayat\u0131yor.<\/p>\n “Ba\u015fka bir alternatif yok\u201d<\/strong> slogan\u0131yla palazlanan neoliberal akl\u0131n \u00fclkemizi ve d\u00fcnyay\u0131 getirdi\u011fi nokta ortada. Artan e\u015fitsizlikler, sava\u015flar, y\u0131k\u0131mlar, g\u00f6\u00e7ler, ya\u011fmalanan bir d\u00fcnya ve sermayenin k\u00e2r h\u0131rs\u0131yla yok olu\u015fa s\u00fcr\u00fcklenen bir gezegen haline geldik.<\/p>\n Toplumun y\u00fczde 99’u i\u00e7in iyi olan her \u015fey “\u00fctopya\u201d olarak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsendi. <\/strong>D\u00fcnyan\u0131n, \u00fclkenin ve d\u00fczenin de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez oldu\u011funa dair yalanlar s\u00f6ylendi. Bu yalanlar\u0131n etkili olmas\u0131n\u0131n tek ko\u015fulu bizim b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz, bizim \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz. Bu nedenle eme\u011fin T\u00fcrkiye’si ve d\u00fcnyas\u0131 i\u00e7in, demokratik ve sosyal bir Cumhuriyet i\u00e7in mutlaka ve mutlaka \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeliyiz<\/strong>. Her \u015feye ra\u011fmen \u00f6rg\u00fctlenece\u011fiz. \u0130\u015fyerlerinde sendikala\u015faca\u011f\u0131z. Bununla da yetinmeyecek meslek \u00f6rg\u00fctlerimizde, \u00fcniversitelerimizde, mahallerimizde, kentlerimizde ya\u015fam\u0131n her alan\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenece\u011fiz. Sadece ekonomik-demokratik alanda de\u011fil siyasi alanda da \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc davranaca\u011f\u0131z. B\u00fcy\u00fck bir sermaye sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda bir yandan ekme\u011fimizi, haklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 koruma ve geli\u015ftirme kavgas\u0131 verirken, bir yandan da bu d\u00fczeni de\u011fi\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in siyasi olarak da \u00f6zne olaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n Demokrasi bize hediye olarak verilmeyecek, g\u00f6kten zembil ile inmeyecek; “di\u015f ile t\u0131rnak ile, umut ile sevda ile d\u00fc\u015f ile\u201d, yani m\u00fccadeleyle in\u015fa edilecek ve korunacak. Demokratik ve sosyal Cumhuriyet, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir toplumla ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacak<\/strong>, hep birlikte kurulacak.<\/p>\n Bu hedeflere ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in k\u0131sa vadede ve acilen \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki engelleri kald\u0131rmak zorunday\u0131z. <\/strong>Sendikala\u015fma hakk\u0131m\u0131z ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm demokratik haklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde engel olan “Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Sistemi\u201d ad\u0131 verilen ucube sistemden kurtulaca\u011f\u0131z. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki se\u00e7imlerin \u00fclkemizin ve gelece\u011fimizin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki bu engeli kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir s\u0131nav oldu\u011funu unutmayaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n Hangi sendikaya \u00fcye olaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131za, hangi gazeteyi okuyaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131za, hangi filmi izleyece\u011fimize, hangi festivale gidece\u011fimize, nas\u0131l giyinece\u011fimize, nas\u0131l d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnece\u011fimize kar\u0131\u015fmaya kalkanlara; grev, toplant\u0131 ve g\u00f6steri y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc gibi Anayasal demokratik haklar\u0131m\u0131za el uzatanlara DUR diyece\u011fiz. Cumhuriyet’in en temel kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131z.\u00a0 <\/strong><\/p>\n \u00dclke kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l kullan\u0131laca\u011f\u0131na, neyi \u00fcretece\u011fimize, nas\u0131l \u00fcretece\u011fimize ve nas\u0131l b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015fece\u011fimize dair s\u00f6z ve karar sahibi olaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir d\u00fczen<\/strong> i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleyi b\u00fcy\u00fctme iradesini y\u00fckseltmekten vazge\u00e7meyece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n Bu \u00fclkeyi en demokratik, en bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131, en \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc, en adil, en e\u015fitlik\u00e7i bi\u00e7imiyle, Eme\u011fin T\u00fcrkiye’si<\/strong> olarak kendi ellerimizle kuraca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n 31 October 2022\/67 WORKERS’ 100TH ANNIVERSARY STATEMENT: WITH THE DEMOCRATIC AND SOCIAL REPUBLIC TURKEY OF LABOR We are at a moment of decision for our country, on the threshold of the second century of the Republic. It should be noted at the outset that although the TDK dictionary defines it as “the form of […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":3771,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[65,54],"tags":[],"yoast_head":"\n\n
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